
The modern American gay rights movement was conceived in 1951, born in 1969, and took its first steps in 2004.

As same-sex marriage comes to the nation's capital, states settle in on long-term positions for or against equal marriage. Does the U.S. Constitution, and Supreme Court precedent, already answer the question of whether marriage is a civil right?
As a native Mississippian, I don't like to see my state end up in the national papers over some idiotic thing that a public official, paid with my tax dollars, has decided to do.
I saw it happen last year when Wesson officials risked a lawsuit because they didn't want to let Ceara Sturgis wear a tux in her yearbook picture. Great publicity for Copiah County superintendent Rickey Compton, who has now scored enough points with anti-gay activists to guarantee a bright political future, if he wants one. Not such a great idea from a civil liberties perspective, though--and he promoted himself at the expense of Sturgis, a brilliant young woman who didn't really plan on national celebrity status.
Now we're seeing it happen again as anti-gay administrators target 18-year-old Constance McMillen in Itawamba County. Superintendent Teresa McNeece has apparently decided that getting her own name in the paper as somebody who won't let students bring same-sex dates to the prom is well worth whatever a free speech lawsuit would cost. Who needs dropout prevention programs, anyway?
Here's a novel idea, folks: Do the jobs you're actually paid to do--which means supporting the kids in your district, not bullying them at state expense.
Related: How to Start a Gay/Straight Alliance at Your School
Abortion is legal in the United States in part because, as a 2007 World Health Organization study shows, abortion bans don't actually prevent abortions. Women can terminate their pregnancies whether it's legal or not; all the government can do is make the procedure more dangerous by banning medical supervision.
When countries go the extra mile and try to ban women from altering their own bodily functions to prevent a pregnancy, the results are Orwellian--as we see in much of Latin America, where forensic vagina specialists investigate hospitalized women for suspicious-looking miscarriages.
Or Utah or Kentucky, where proposed legislation would criminalize miscarriages in cases where prosecutors do not feel that survivors have done enough to protect their pregnancies. The situation in Utah is particularly dire: the bill has passed both chambers of the legislature, and currently awaits a signature or veto by the governor.
Women's rights groups, including National Advocates for Pregnant Women (NAPW), are working to fight bills that violate the civil liberties of pregnant women. But as long as conservative legislators see embryos and fetuses as citizens, and pregnant women as property of the state, pregnancy regulation is likely to remain an integral part of the pro-life movement.
Related: Falling Down Pregnant Can Get You Arrested in Iowa
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